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Feminist views on pornography range from condemnation of all of it as a form of violence against women , to an embracing of some forms as a medium of feminist expression. This debate reflects larger concerns surrounding feminist views on sexuality , and is closely related to those on prostitution , on BDSM , and other issues. Pornography has been one of the most divisive issues in feminism , particularly in anglophone countries.

This deep division was exemplified in the feminist sex wars of the s, which pitted anti-pornography activists against sex-positive ones. Feminist opponents of pornography—such as Andrea Dworkin , Catharine MacKinnon , Robin Morgan , Diana Russell , Alice Schwarzer , Gail Dines , and Robert Jensen —argue that pornography is harmful to women, and constitutes strong causality or facilitation of violence against women. Catharine McKinnon and Andrea Dworkin had separately staked out a position that pornography was inherently exploitative toward women, and they called for a civil law to make pornographers accountable for harms that could be shown to result from the use, production, and circulation of their publications.

Andrea Dworkin's activism against pornography during the s brought her to national attention. This is said to be true even when the women are being presented as enjoying themselves. Gail Dines holds that pornography, exemplified by gonzo pornography , is becoming increasingly violent and that women who perform in pornography are brutalized in the process of its production.

Anti-pornography feminists point to the testimony of well known participants in pornography, such as Traci Lords and Linda Boreman , and argue that most female performers are coerced into pornography, either by somebody else, or by an unfortunate set of circumstances. The feminist anti-pornography movement was galvanized by the publication of Ordeal , in which Linda Boreman who under the name of "Linda Lovelace" had starred in Deep Throat stated that she had been beaten, raped, and pimped by her husband Chuck Traynor , and that Traynor had forced her at gunpoint to make scenes in Deep Throat , as well as forcing her, by use of both physical violence against Boreman as well as emotional abuse and outright threats of violence, to make other pornographic films.

Dworkin, MacKinnon, and Women Against Pornography issued public statements of support for Boreman, and worked with her in public appearances and speeches. On-face ejaculation and anal sex are increasingly popular among men, following trends in porn. The effects produced by those who view pornography are mixed and still widely debated. Generally, research has been focused around the effects of voluntary viewing of pornography. There have also been studies analyzing the inadvertent exposure to explicit sexual content, including: It has been found that most exposure to pornography online is unsolicited and by accident.

Paul of Indiana University published a controlled study looking at such inadvertent exposure to pornography in regards to the feeling of anonymity titled "The Role of Anonymity in the Effects of Inadvertent Exposure to Online Pornography Among Young Adult Males. After completing an arbitrary survey, they were shown a second pop-up clip consisting either of sexual or nonsexual content. Half of the subjects exposed to either clip believed they were viewing the content nonanonymously.

The other half believed they were anonymous, and they were not being monitored. They were then asked if they would rather view hardcore pornography, softcore pornography, or nonsexual material. The hardcore pornography depicted women as sexual objects, and male-superiority. The softcore pornography was less graphic. The nonsexual material was a video of a professor's lecture unrelated to sexual content. After being exposed to the inadvertent pop-up clip, researchers noted which of the three above content choices the subjects selected.

The higher the score, the higher the subjects are thought to hold sexist views. Those who believed they were anonymous were less likely to be conscious of their monitoring compared to the nonanonymous group. It turns out, those who were exposed to sexual content and believed they were anonymous, were the most likely to choose the hardcore pornography that depicts the most objectification of women.

The next highest choice for the hardcore pornography was the group exposed to nonsexual material, yet believed to be anonymous. These two groups were the most likely to hold hostile sexist attitudes towards women after the 10 second inadvertent exposure to sexual content compared to before the study.

This indicates negative opinions towards women. It is concluded that being exposed to sexual content, even when it is unwanted, leads men to develop harsher sexist attitudes towards women. The greater intrigue for men to view hardcore and unusual pornography was greater when they believed to be doing so anonymously.

This is most likely tied to the theory of deindividuation. The theory states that a person detaches his or her self from personal responsibility and awareness as an individual, and is more likely to act differently than when their behaviors are socially attached to his or her character.

Since the feeling of anonymity disregard social norms, there is a higher chance of pursuing more extreme stimuli.

This study does not prove that the men willing to watch the hardcore pornography and hold more sexist views are more likely to act out these desires and beliefs toward women. Valerie Webber in her article "Shades of Gay: Performance of Girl-on-Girl Pornography and mobile authenticities" differentiates the sex depicted in porn and personal, private sexual encounters. At first, she argues that performing sex produces normative ideas about what makes sex authentic.

These normative beliefs then transfer into personal experiences where people feel an obligation to perform sex as they have viewed it in pornography. Webber discovered that there is no true authenticity surrounding sex. Sex through the lens of pornography is still legitimate, yet most performers exaggerate the act to make it more rousing and intimate to the audience. She explains that "performance…does not preclude authenticity. One interviewee pointed out that pornography is stigmatized for not being genuine, which is not true for all performers.

Some are completely satisfied with the sex performed for porn, while others report low satisfaction. Some performers do it because they like pleasing their audience, some do it for personal pleasure, and some feel they are creating something of artistic value. Webber could theorize that women use this knowledge and personal intentions to produce pornography in which men anonymously consume, which then authenticates the normality of such depictions of sex as being appropriate and desirable.

Anti-pornography feminists say that consumption of pornography is a cause of rape and other forms of violence against women. Robin Morgan summarizes this idea with her often-quoted statement, "Pornography is the theory, and rape is the practice. Anti-pornography feminists charge that pornography eroticizes the domination, humiliation, and coercion of women, and reinforces sexual and cultural attitudes that are complicit in rape and sexual harassment.

MacKinnon argued that pornography leads to an increase in sexual violence against women through fostering rape myths. Such rape myths include the belief that women really want to be raped and that they mean yes when they say no. Additionally, according to MacKinnon, pornography desensitizes viewers to violence against women, and this leads to a progressive need to see more violence in order to become sexually aroused, an effect she claims is well documented.

Rape of a prepubescent child followed "habitual" consumption of child porn "within six months" although the men were previously "horrified at the idea", according to Gail Dines, that interviewed men in prison.

German radical feminist Alice Schwarzer is one proponent of this point of view, in particular in the feminist magazine Emma. Many opponents of pornography believe that pornography gives a distorted view of men and women's bodies, as well as the actual sexual act, often showing the performers with synthetic implants or exaggerated expressions of pleasure, as well as fetishes that are not the norm, such as watersports , being presented as popular and normal.

Harry Brod offered a Marxist feminist view, "I [Brod] would argue that sex seems overrated [to men] because men look to sex for fulfillment of nonsexual emotional needs, a quest doomed to failure. Part of the reason for this failure is the priority of quantity over quality of sex which comes with sexuality's commodification.

Gail Dines said, "'[p]ornography is the perfect propaganda piece for patriarchy. In nothing else is their hatred of us quite as clear. From the mid s into the early s, public rallies and marches protesting pornography and prostitution drew widespread support among women and men from across the political spectrum.

Similar groups also emerged in the United Kingdom, including legislatively focused groups such as Campaign Against Pornography and Campaign Against Pornography and Censorship , as well as groups associated with radical feminism such as Women Against Violence Against Women and its direct action offshoot Angry Women. Many anti-pornography feminists—Dworkin and MacKinnon in particular—advocated laws which defined pornography as a civil rights harm and allowed women to sue pornographers in civil court.

The Antipornography Civil Rights Ordinance that they drafted was passed twice by the Minneapolis city council in , but vetoed by Mayor Donald Fraser, on the grounds that the city could not afford the litigation over the law's constitutionality.

The ordinance was successfully passed in by the Indianapolis city council and signed by Mayor William Hudnut , and passed by a ballot initiative in Bellingham, Washington in , but struck down both times as unconstitutional by the state and federal courts.

In , the Supreme Court affirmed the lower courts' rulings in the Indianapolis case without comment. Many anti-pornography feminists supported the legislative efforts, but others objected that legislative campaigns would be rendered ineffectual by the courts, would violate principles of free speech , or would harm the anti-pornography movement by taking organizing energy away from education and direct action and entangling it in political squabbles.

Dworkin and MacKinnon responded to the alleged violation of free speech principles by pointing out that the Ordinance was designed with an explicit goal of preventing its misinterpretation and abuse for the purpose of censorship or discrimination against sexual minorities. Another feminist approach was designed to permit survivors of crime when the crime was the result of pornographic influence to sue the pornographers.

Catharine MacKinnon declined to support the legislation, though aspects of it were based on her legal approach to pornography. The Supreme Court of Canada 's ruling in R. Butler the Butler decision fueled further controversy, when the court decided to incorporate some elements of Dworkin and MacKinnon's legal work on pornography into the existing Canadian obscenity law. In Butler the Court held that Canadian obscenity law violated Canadian citizens' rights to free speech under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms if enforced on grounds of morality or community standards of decency; but that obscenity law could be enforced constitutionally against some pornography on the basis of the Charter's guarantees of sex equality.

Dworkin opposed LEAF's position, arguing that feminists should not support or attempt to reform criminal obscenity law. Jacksonville Shipyards was a sexual harassment Federal district court case. It recognized as law that pornography could illegally contribute to sexual harassment through a workplace environment hostile to women. In this view, pornography is seen as being a medium for women's sexual expression. Sex-positive feminists view many radical feminist views on sexuality, including views on pornography, as being equally oppressive as those of patriarchal religions and ideologies, and argue that anti-pornography feminist discourse ignores and trivializes women's sexual agency.

Ellen Willis who coined the term "pro-sex feminism" states "As we saw it, the claim that 'pornography is violence against women' was code for the neo-Victorian idea that men want sex and women endure it. Sex-positive feminists take a variety of views towards existing pornography. Many of these feminists see pornography as subverting many traditional ideas about women that they oppose, such as ideas that women do not like sex generally, only enjoy sex in a relational context, or that women only enjoy vanilla sex.

They also argue that pornography sometimes shows women in sexually dominant roles and presents women with a greater variety of body types than are typical of mainstream entertainment and fashion, and that women's participation in these roles allows for a fulfillment of their sexual identity and free expression. Many feminists regardless of their views on pornography are opposed on principle to censorship.

Even the feminists who see pornography as a sexist institution, also see censorship including MacKinnon's civil law approach as an evil. In its mission statement, Feminists for Free Expression argues that censorship has never reduced violence, but historically been used to silence women and stifle efforts for social change.

They point to the birth control literature of Margaret Sanger , the feminist plays of Holly Hughes , and works like Our Bodies, Ourselves and The Well of Loneliness as examples of feminist sexual speech which has been the target of censorship. FFE further argues that the attempt to fix social problems through censorship, "divert[s] attention from the substantive causes of social ills and offer a cosmetic, dangerous 'quick fix.

Critics of anti-pornography feminism accuse their counterparts of selective handling of social scientific evidence. Anti-pornography feminists are also critiqued as intolerant of sexual difference and is characterized as often indiscriminately supporting state censorship policy and are accused of complicity with conservative sexual politics and Christian Right groups. Several feminist anti-censorship groups have actively opposed anti-pornography legislation and other forms of censorship.

Andrea Dworkin and Catharine MacKinnon responded with a statement claiming that the idea that these raids reflected the application of pre- Butler standards and that it was actually illegal under Butler to selectively target LGBT materials. Anti-censorship feminists [ who? Susie Bright notes, "It's a far different criticism to note that porn is sexist. So are all commercial media.

That's like tasting several glasses of salt water and insisting only one of them is salty. The difference with porn is that it is people fucking, and we live in a world that cannot tolerate that image in public. Pornography produced by and with feminist women is a small, but growing segment of the porn industry.

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